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The Jeffersonian cyclopedia;

a comprehensive collection of the views of Thomas Jefferson classified and arranged in alphabetical order under nine thousand titles relating to government, politics, law, education, political economy, finance, science, art, literature, religious freedom, morals, etc.;
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8571. TREATIES OF COMMERCE, Efforts to negotiate.—[further continued].
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
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8571. TREATIES OF COMMERCE, Efforts to negotiate.—[further continued].

On the conclusion of peace [with Great Britain], Congress, sensible
of their right to assume independence, would
not condescend to ask its acknowledgment from
other nations, yet were willing, by some of the
ordinary international transactions, to receive
what would imply that acknowledgment. They
appointed commissioners, therefore, to propose
treaties of commerce to the principal nations of
Europe. I was then a member of Congress,
was of the committee appointed to prepare instructions
for the commissioners, was, as you
suppose, the draughtsman of those actually
agreed to, and was joined with your father and
Dr. Franklin, to carry them into execution.
But the stipulations making part of these instructions,
which respected privateering, blockades,
contraband, and freedom of the fisheries,
were not original conceptions of mine. They
had before been suggested by Dr. Franklin, in
some of his papers in possession of the public,
and had, I think, been recommended in some
letter of his to Congress. I happen only to
have been the inserter of them in the first public
act which gave the formal sanction of a public
authority. We accordingly proposed our treaties,
containing these stipulations, to the principal
governments of Europe. But we were
then just emerged from a subordinate condition;
the nations had as yet known nothing of
us, and had not yet reflected on the relations
which it might be their interest to establish with
us. Most of them, therefore, listened to our
propositions with coyness and reserve; old Frederick
[the Great] alone closing with us without
hesitation. The negotiator of Portugal, indeed,
signed a treaty with us, which his government
did not ratify, and Tuscany was near a final
agreement. Becoming sensible, however, ourselves,
that we should do nothing with the
greater powers, we thought it better not to
hamper our country with engagements to those
of less significance, and suffered our powers to
expire without closing any other negotiations.
Austria soon after became desirous of a treaty
with us, and her ambassador pressed it often on
me; but our commerce with her being no object,
I evaded her repeated invitations. Had these
governments been then apprized of the station
we should so soon occupy among nations,
all, I believe, would have met us promptly and
with frankness. These principles would then
have been established with all, and from being
the conventional law with us alone, would have
slid into their engagements with one another,
and become general.

These are the facts within my recollection.
They have not yet got into written history; but
their adoption by our southern brethren will
bring them into observance, and make them,
what they should be, a part of the law of the
world, and of the reformation of principles for
which they will be indebted to us.—
To John Quincy Adams. Washington ed. vii, 436. Ford ed., x, 383.
(M. March. 1826)